Bengal's Muslims Navigate New Political Landscape Under BJP Leadership
Political Shift in West Bengal
A man walks past an All India Trinamool Congress (AITC) office, in Kolkata, on Sunday. (Photo:PTI)
Kolkata, May 10: As night fell over Metiabruz in southwest Kolkata on May 9, local eateries displayed footage of Suvendu Adhikari being sworn in as West Bengal's inaugural BJP chief minister, a scenario that would have seemed unlikely just a short time ago in a state long characterized by anti-BJP sentiment.
In various Muslim neighborhoods throughout the city and surrounding areas, the response was measured rather than overtly defiant. For a community that makes up nearly 30% of the state's populace, the emergence of a BJP-led government has sparked a blend of apprehension, pragmatism, and cautious optimism.
“We advocate for democratic governance, leadership, and equality. In a democracy, the government should serve all citizens,” stated Mohammed Kamruzzaman, general secretary of the All Bengal Minority Youth Federation.
“Previously, we had Mamata Banerjee, and now Suvendu Adhikari has assumed office through a democratic process. We anticipate the government to uphold 'rajdharma' and guarantee equal treatment for everyone,” he added.
This sentiment illustrates the evolving perspective among Bengal's Muslim voters following an election that disrupted long-standing political assumptions.
Historically, Muslim voters have predominantly rallied behind the TMC. In the 2021 elections, this unity acted as a barrier against the BJP's rise.
However, this election unfolded differently. In regions like Murshidabad, Malda, Uttar Dinajpur, and parts of South 24 Parganas, the minority vote did not uniformly align with the TMC.
Some segments shifted towards the Congress and the Left, while local groups such as Humayun Kabir's AJUP and the ISF began to erode the ruling party's support.
In Murshidabad, where Muslims constitute nearly two-thirds of the population, the TMC's representation plummeted from 20 seats in 2021 to just nine. Conversely, the BJP increased its presence from two to nine seats. Similar trends were observed in Malda and Uttar Dinajpur.
Although the number of Muslim MLAs has only slightly decreased from 44 to 40, the TMC's influence among them has significantly weakened. Six Muslim legislators are now affiliated with parties outside both the TMC and BJP.
Political analysts attribute this shift to various factors, including voter fatigue with symbolic politics and internal factionalism within the TMC.
The Special Intensive Revision of electoral rolls also played a crucial role, with nearly 91 lakh names removed statewide. While there is no official breakdown by religion, opposition parties estimate that a significant number of those removed were Muslims from districts that typically support the TMC.
However, data indicates that deletions alone cannot account for the results. Even in constituencies with a Muslim majority where voter turnout remained high, the TMC experienced noticeable declines.
In mixed constituencies, the BJP also gained from a consolidation of Hindu voters.
“The BJP's immediate focus will be on governance and development. There is no cause for alarm. Minorities may not gain any additional political leverage, but there could be a more equitable environment where development takes precedence,” remarked political analyst Moidul Islam.
When questioned about the minority affairs department, senior BJP leader Dilip Ghosh sidestepped a direct response regarding its leadership, emphasizing that development should not be viewed through a religious lens.
Simultaneously, several Muslim organizations have made a deliberate effort to avoid immediate conflict and instead express their expectations from the new administration publicly.
Maulana Shafique Qasmi, imam of Kolkata's Nakhoda Masjid, stated that ideological differences should not hinder an elected government from serving all communities. “For the current government, everyone should be treated equally,” he asserted.
Md Yahya, chairman of the West Bengal Imam Association, expressed hope that the BJP's slogan of 'Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas' would be realized “in both letter and spirit.” “We aspire for a society where individuals can coexist peacefully and without fear,” he added.
For Bengal's Muslims, this moment signifies a political recalibration rather than an ideological shift.
As the state enters a new political era under its first BJP administration, much of the community appears poised neither for outright confrontation nor blind acceptance.
Currently, the Muslims of West Bengal find themselves balancing caution with strategic thinking. They remain uncertain about the implications of this new political landscape while resisting the urge to retreat into the fear-driven politics that dominated the previous decade.